HOW JOHN HANCOCK SUPPORTED THE CONSTITUTION

By Stephen Higginson.

THIS is one of a series of articles signed "Laco" which Higginson published in 1789 in an effort to prevent the reelection of John Hancock as Governor of Massachusetts. Higginson was a prominent Boston merchant and a stanch Federalist. Hancock, who had in his early manhood inherited a fortune of $400,000 from an uncle, had been president of the Continental Congress, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, first Governor of Massachusetts and, in 1788, presided over the Massachusetts convention which ratified the Federal Constitution.

Evidently Higginson detested Hancock, who is nevertheless generally considered to have been a Revolutionary patriot of considerable ability, whose usefulness at times was impaired by his vanity. The "Old Patriot" of the text was Samuel Adams.

THERE are men in every free society, who have not a common interest with the community at large; and who rely wholly on the popular affection in their favor, to give them promotion and support in public life. . . . Without abilities to make them really useful in public life, and devoid of principles or merits that can command respect, they have no dependence but upon popular inattention to bring them into view; and, having been long attentive to the popular pulse, and always acquainted with the darling object with the multitude for the time, they rarely fail to touch the right string, and to make the people sub-serve their own selfish and private views. . . . There cannot be found within the compass of our memory, an instance, so strongly verifying the preceding observation, as that of Mr. H. and his adhering dependents.

. . . The course of his conduct from his reassuming the chair, to the meeting of our State Convention, for considering and adopting the new form of government for the Union, was nothing more than a renewed exhibition of the same levities, and a uniform preference of his own private interest, to that of the public.

A scene now opens upon us, very interesting and important: The objects which [were] then presented for our consideration, were so novel, and of such magnitude, as deservedly engrossed the feelings and the attention of every man. No one could remain mute and indifferent, while the question as to the new Constitution was pending; and every one, who felt no other bias than a regard to the safety and happiness of our country must necessarily create, was most anxiously solicitous for its adoption. But the popular demagogues, and those [who] were very much embarrassed in their affairs, united to oppose it with all their might ; and they labored incessantly, night and day, to alarm the simple and credulous, by insinuating, that, however specious its appearance, and that of its advocates, tyranny and vassalage would result from its principles. The former of those descriptions were conscious that a stable and efficient government would deprive them of all future importance, or support from the public ; and the latter of them knew, that nothing but weakness and convulsions in government could screen them from payment of their debts.

How far Mr. H. was influenced by either, or both of those motives, it is not easy to determine; but no one who recollects his general habits, who knows his situation and views, and was acquainted with the open conversation and conduct of his cabinet counsellors, can have a doubt of his being opposed to it. We all know, that Mr. Quondam, and Mr. Changeling, as well as the once venerable old patriot, who, by a notable defection, has lately thrown himself into, the arms of Mr. H. in violation of every principle; and for the paltry privilege of sharing in his smiles, has, at the eve of life, cast an indelible stain over his former reputation it is well known, I say, that these men do not dare to speak in public a language opposite to that of their patron; and it is equally notorious, that they were open in their opposition to the Constitution. They even went so far as to vilify its compilers, that they might thence draw an argument to support their suggestions of its containing the seeds of latent tyranny and oppression. They endeavored by every possible means in their power to create a popular clamor against the Constitution; but they failed in their attempt; and Mr. H. and his friends were obliged, upon their own principles, to grow more cautious in their opposition.

The good sense of the mechanics of Boston, had produced some manly and spirited resolutions, which effectually checked Mr. H. and his followers in their opposition to the Constitution; and eventually occasioned four votes in its favor, which otherwise would have been most certainly against it. Had those resolutions not made their appearance, Mr. H. and three others of our delegates would have been in the negative; but it was thought necessary by them, after they had appeared, to vote in favor of it. Having settled this point, the next thing was to do it with a good grace, and to profit as much by it as they could; and Mr. H. accordingly intimated to the advocates for the adoption that he would appear in its favor, if they would make it worth his while.

This intimation was given through a common friend, who assured the friends of the Constitution, that nothing more would be required on the part of Mr. H. than a promise to support him in the chair at the next election. This promise, though a bitter pill, was agreed to be given; for such was the state of things, that they were very much afraid to decide upon the question, while he was opposed to it. The famous conciliatory proposition of Mr. H., as it was called, was then prepared by the advocates, and adopted by him; but the truth is he never was consulted about it, nor knew its contents, before it was handed to him to bring forward in Convention.

At the appointed time, Mr. H. with all the parade of an arbiter of States, came out with the motion, not only in the words, but the very original paper that was given him; and, with a confidence astonishing to all who were in the secret, he called it his own, and said it was the result of his own reflections on the subject, in the short intervals of ease which he had enjoyed during a most painful disorder. In this pompous and farcical manner did he make that famous proposition upon which he and his adherents have arrogated so much; but neither he nor they have any other merit in the case than an attempt to deceive both parties can fairly entitle them. For, at the very time he was buoying up the hopes of the advocates, he was assuring the opposers of the Constitution, by his emissaries, that he was really averse to it; and upon the strictest scrutiny we cannot find that any one vote was gained by his being ostensibly in favor of it.

The votes of the old patriot, and Mr. Changeling, and Mr. Joyce, Junior, we know were determined in its favor, by the resolutions of the mechanics; but the votes of many others, who used implicitly to follow Mr. H., were in the negative, which were counted upon by the friends of the Constitution, as being certain on their side. This is a strong confirmation that Mr. H. was then playing a game, which these people well understood; and indeed they, some of them, explicitly declared it at the time. His subsequent conduct, in regard to amendments, is a clear proof also that by appearing in its favor in Convention, he did not mean to support it; and that he was not serious when he declared his proposition to be only conciliatory, and not to remedy any defects existing in his mind in the Constitution as reported, which he explicitly declared at the time was the case.