HOW JEFFERSON WAS ELECTED

By Senator Charles Pinckney.

IN THE bitter Presidential campaign of 1800, the Republican candidates, Jefferson and Burr received the same number of votes, leaving the decision to Congress. Jefferson, to whom Senator Pinckney wrote this letter on October 12, 1800, was chosen, chiefly through the influence of his Federalist opponent, Alexander Hamilton, who Was too patriotic to support Burr. Although Pinckney enthusiastically supported Jefferson, his cousin, Charles C. Pinckney, was the Federal candidate for Vice-President.

Facing a threatened revolution, Jefferson behaved with such moderation on taking office as to draw from the Federalist Party much of its vital energy. He rode horseback, without attendants, from Monticello to Washington, tied his horse to the fence, and walked uncerimoniously into the Senate chamber to take the oath of office. During his administration knee-breeches gave way to trousers.

I WISH to know how things will go in Maryland and Pennsylvania and Delaware and Jersey. The influence of the officers of the government and of the banks and of the British and mercantile interest will be very powerful in Charleston. I think we shall in the city as usual lose two-thirds of the representation, but the city has generally not much influence at Columbia [South Carolina]. Our country Republican interest has always been very strong, and I have no doubt will be so now. I have done everything to strengthen it and mean to go to Columbia to be at the election of electors. The twenty-four numbers of the Republican which I have written have been sent on to you, and I trust you have received and approved them. They are written in much moderation and have been circulated as much as possible. So has the little Republican Farmer I showed you in Philadelphia and which has been reprinted in all our Southern States. With these and my speeches on juries, judges, Ross' Bill, the Intercourse Bill and the Liberty of the Press, we have literally sprinkled Georgia and North Carolina from the mountains to the ocean. Georgia will be unanimous, North Carolina 8 or 9, Tennessee unanimous, and I am hopeful we shall also.

[October 16.] Since the within was written we have had the election for Charleston, which by dint of the bank and Federal interest is reported by the managers to be against us 11 to 4 that is, the Federalists are reported to have 11 out of 15 the number for the city representation. Many of our members run within 28 and 30 and 40 and we think we get four in I believe 5. To show you what has been the contest and the abuse I have been obliged to bear, I enclose you some of the last days' publications. I suppose this unexpected opposition to my kinsman who has Haver been opposed here before as member for the city, will sever and divide me from him and his brother forever, for the Federalists all charge me with being the sole cause of any opposition in this State, where all our intelligence from the country convinces me we shall have a decided majority in our Legislature. . . . I never before this knew the full extent of the Federal interest connected with the British and the aid of the banks and the Federal treasury, and all their officers. They have endeavored to shake Republicanism in South Carolina to its foundations, but we have resisted it firmly and I trust successfully. Our country interest out of the reach of banks and custom houses and Federal officers is I think as pure as ever. I rejoice our Legislature meets 130 or 40 miles from the sea.

As much as I have been accustomed to politics and to study mankind this election in Charleston has opened to me a new view of things. Never certainly was such an election in America. We mean to contest it for 8 or 9 of the 15. It is said several hundred more voted than paid taxes; the lame, crippled, diseased and blind were either led, lifted or brought in carriages to the poll. The sacred right of ballot was struck at, for at a late hour, when too late to counteract it, in order to know how men, who were supposed to be under the influence of banks and Federal officers and English merchants voted, and that they might be watched to know whether they voted as they were directed, the novel and unwarrantable measure was used of voting with tickets printed on green and blue and red and yellow paper and men stationed to watch the votes. The contest lasted several days and nights.

. . I congratulate you most sincerely on the change in Maryland and the probable one in North Carolina and Rhode Island. In this State I have no doubt nor ever had.

[October 26.] . . . I have just got a letter from Mr. Dawson confirming from the authority of Mr. Burr the business of Rhode Island. Is it possible? Can good come out of Galilee?

[November 22.] I have just received your favor after an interval since its date of nearly one month. I am to particularly regret your not receiving my communications as I wanted some facts from you to aid me in the very delicate and arduous struggle I have in this State. Finding from my intelligence that the Pennsylvania Senate intended to contend for a concurrent vote in the choice of electors and thus to shield themselves under a pretended affection for the rights of their branch from the popular odium, I very early perceived that the choice of a President would in a great measure depend upon this State's vote. I therefore very assiduously have attended to this object since June and now wait the issue which is to be decided on Tuesday next. My anxiety on this subject is very much increased by a letter I have received from Governor Monroe in answer to one I wrote him on the subject; he seems to think with me that our State must decide it and that Pennsylvania is very uncertain. . . . Urged by those principles it is my duty never to forsake and well convinced that the election depends on this State I have taken post with some valuable friends at Columbia where our Legislature meet and are now in session, and here I mean to remain until the thing is settled. I am told I am to be personally insulted for being here while I ought to be in Washington, and that a motion will be made expressing the opinion of one of the branches that all their members ought to be present at the discussion of the French treaty. But I who know that the President's election is of more consequence than any treaty and who feel my presence here to be critically important, mean to remain with you who know the reason will readily excuse my absence. To weaken the Federal party in our Legislature, which is stronger than I ever knew it, an attempt is made to set aside the Charleston election and I have suggested a new idea to the petitioners, which is to suspend the sitting members immediately from their seats.

Whether they vote or not I think we shall carry the election, and the moment it is decided I will write you. My situation here is peculiarly delicate and singular. I am the only Member of Congress of either side present and the Federalists view me with a very jealous eye.

[December 2: 1800] The election is just finished and we have, thanks to Heaven's goodness, carried it.

[December 20.] . . . It is with great concern I have just heard that my fears on the Rhode Island head were too well founded. I was always afraid that much good could not come out of either Nazareth or Galilee and I find I was right. New England is New England still and unless an earthquake could remove them and give them about ten degrees of our southern sun in their constitutions they will always remain so. You may as well attempt to separate the barnacle from the oyster, or a body of Caledonians as to divide New England. Not so our southern gentry. View Maryland and North Carolina and tell me by what policy can it be that we have lost so many votes from States that ought to cling to the southern Republican interest as to the rock of their earthly salvation States, too, with whom so much pains have been taken to direct them in the right road.

[ January 24, 1801.] . . . I write . . . to mention that having seen in the northern papers an account that a compromise was offered and rejected by the Federalists I do positively deny that any such compromise was offered by the body of the Republican interest or ever intended by them. If anything ever was said on that subject it must have been by some one or two of our friends who might have been very anxious to secure your election and would rather compromise than risk it, but if even one did whisper such a thing it was wholly unknown to me, or to the great body of Republican interest, for they were determined from the jump never to hear of any compromise, and so far from thinking of it they met at the academy hall in Columbia the very first night of the session and near seventy of them signed a paper and determined not to compromise but to support the ticket of the Republican interest as it was run and carried.