THE HAMPTON ROADS CONFERENCE

By Alexander H. Stephens.

STEPHENS, whose account of the Hampton Roads Conference, February 3, 1865, appears in his "Constitutional View of the War Between the States," Was, as Vice-President of the Confederacy, head of the Confederate Commission that met President Lincoln and Secretary Seward to confer upon terms of peace. His Confederate associates were Senator Robert M. T. Hunter and Assistant Secretary of War John A. Campbell.

The conference was brought about primarily by Francis P. Blair, Who fancied that the war might be brought to a close and the country reunited by arranging for joint action of the Federal and Confederate armies against Maximilian in Mexico. During the parley, which lasted four hours on board the vessel River Queen, Lincoln expressed himself in favor of the Federal Government paying a fair indemnity to former slave-owners, but declined to modify his Emancipation Proclamation. No agreement was reached.

THE interview took place in the saloon of the steamer, on board of which were Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward, and which lay at anchor near Fortress Monroe. The Commissioners were conducted into the saloon first. Soon after, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward entered. After usual salutations on the part of those who were previously acquainted, and introductions of t h e others who had never met before, conversation was immediately opened by the revival of reminiscences and associations of former days.

With this introduction I said in substance: Well, Mr. President, is there no way of putting an end to the present trouble, and bringing about a restoration of the general good feeling and harmony then existing between the different States and sections of the country?

Mr. Lincoln in reply said, in substance, that there was but one way that he knew of, and that was for those who were resisting the laws of the Union to cease that resistance. All the trouble came from an armed resistance against the national authority.

But, said I, is there no other question that might divert the attention of both parties, for a time, from the questions involved in their present strife, until the passions on both sides might cool, when they would be in better temper to come to an amicable and proper adjustment of those points of difference out of which the present lamentable collision of arms has arisen? Is there no continental question, said I, which might thus temporarily engage their attention? We have been induced to believe that there is.

Is there not now such a continental question in which all the parties engaged in our present war feel a deep and similar interest? I allude, of course, to Mexico, and what is called the Monroe Doctrine, the principles of which are directly involved in the contest now waging there. From the tone of leading Northern papers and from public speeches of prominent men, as well as from other sources, we are under the impression that the administration at Washington is decidedly opposed to the establishment of an empire in Mexico by France and is desirous to prevent it.

Could not both parties then, said I, in our contest come to an understanding and agreement to postpone their present strife by a suspension of hostilities between themselves, until this principle is maintained in behalf of Mexico ; and might it not, when successfully sustained there, naturally, and would it not almost inevitably, lead to a peaceful and harmonious solution of their own difficulties?

The conversation was again diverted from that view of the subject by Mr. Lincoln. He repeated that he could not entertain a proposition for an armistice on any terms, while the great and vital question of reunion was disposed of. That was the first question to be settled.

Judge Campbell now renewed his inquiry of how restoration was to take place, supposing that the Confederate States were consenting to it?

Mr. Lincoln replied : By disbanding their armies and permitting the national authorities to resume their functions.

Mr. Lincoln said that so far as the Confiscation Acts, and other penal acts, were concerned, their enforcement was left entirely with him, and on that point he was perfectly willing and explicit, and on his assurance perfect reliance might be placed. He should exercise the power of the Executive with the utmost liberality. He went on to say that he would be willing to be taxed to remunerate the Southern people for their slaves. He believed the people of the North were as responsible for slavery as the people of the South, and if the war should then cease, with the voluntary abolition of slavery by the States, he should be in favor, individually, of the Government paying a fair indemnity for the loss to the owners. He said he believed this feeling had an extensive existence at the North. He knew some who were in favor of an appropriation as high as four hundred millions of dollars for this purpose.

Mr. Seward said, that the Northern people were weary of the war. They desired peace and a restoration of harmony, and he believed would be willing to pay as an indemnity for the slaves what would be required to continue the war, but stated no amount.

I then said : I wish, Mr. President, you would re- consider the subject of an armistice on the basis which has been suggested. Great questions, as well as vast interests are involved in it.

Well, said he, as he was taking my hand for a fare- well leave, and with a peculiar manner very characteristic of him : Well, Stephens, I will reconsider it, but I do not think my mind will change, but I will reconsider.

The two parties then took formal and friendly leave of each other, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward withdrawing first from the saloon together.